Berri’s optimism meets Syria’s strategic reality
According to Al-Akhbar newspaper , the Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri has described his meeting with Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani as
“frank and fruitful,”
suggesting that
“New Syria”
wants to turn the page on its grievances with Lebanon’s Shia community.
But beneath the diplomatic language lies a far more complicated reality.
The Iraq Analogy doesn’t Hold
Damascus may pursue a “zero problems” policy with its neighbors, but Lebanon is fundamentally different from Iraq.
Iraq is a sovereign state whose Shia-led political system controls formal state institutions and with which Damascus has direct interests in trade, borders, energy and regional legitimacy.
Lebanon’s equation is different. Hezbollah remains a major political and military actor—and one that fought directly against the forces commanded by Ahmed al-Sharaa during the Syrian war.
That history cannot simply be erased through diplomatic statements.
The Blood Feud has Deep Roots
Ahmed al-Sharaa’s political and military trajectory was forged in opposition to Iran and its regional allies.
As the former leader of Jabhat al-Nusra and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, Sharaa spent years fighting Syrian government forces and confronting Hezbollah fighters across key Syrian battlefields.
From Qusayr to Aleppo and Idlib, Hezbollah’s intervention played a major role in defeating the forces aligned against Damascus.
The fall of the Assad government did not automatically eliminate these tensions.
Instead, they evolved into border clashes, raids, anti-smuggling operations and security campaigns targeting networks allegedly linked to Hezbollah.
The Strategic Constraint
Even if Sharaa genuinely wants to present himself as a pragmatic statesman, reconciliation with Hezbollah faces structural obstacles.
His domestic power base remains deeply suspicious of Hezbollah and Iran.
At the same time, Damascus is seeking Western and Gulf recognition, economic assistance and sanctions relief—a geopolitical trajectory that requires maintaining considerable distance from Tehran and the Axis of Resistance.
A genuine rapprochement with Hezbollah would therefore carry significant political costs.
What Comes Next?
Berri’s diplomatic language may serve an important purpose: projecting stability and preventing another rupture between Beirut and Damascus.
But diplomatic pragmatism is not the same as historical reconciliation.
The most realistic scenario is not a historic “turning of the page,” but rather a cold, transactional relationship governed by borders, security, refugees, trade and political necessity.
The real question is therefore not whether Damascus and Lebanon can talk.
They can.
The question is whether decades of ideological confrontation, battlefield bloodshed and competing regional alliances can actually be overcome.
For now, the evidence suggests cautious coexistence—not genuine reconciliation.
ANALYSIS: The diplomatic rhetoric may be changing. The strategic balance has not.

