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revolution?BRASIL WIREBolsoMaster: Bolsonaro Ties to Brazil’s Biggest Banking Fraud in History ExposedTHE DIPLOMATKazakh State Tightens Grip Over Critical Minerals Miner ERGBRASIL WIREAnalysis: NYT’s bizarre coverage and omissions of Bolsonaro’s murderous coup plotTHE DIPLOMATDr. Moses Haregewoyn and the Operational Case for a Different Kind of Global Health LeadershipTHE DIPLOMATCan Japan Become Indonesia’s Principal Partner in Asia?LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUEDonald Trump's Latin American proconsulsLE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUEAugust: the longer viewTHE DIPLOMATChina Praises Malaysian PM Anwar Ibrahim For Supportive Comments on TaiwanTHE INDEPENDENTThe Latest: The US national debt hits a record $40 trillionTHE DIPLOMATMyanmar Military Chief Begins Visit to Thailand Aimed at Expanding Security TiesMAIL & GUARDIANMasondo claims PIC board never received key legal opinionTHE GUARDIANEbola outbreak in Democratic Republic of the Congo now deadliest in country’s historyTHE GUARDIANUS deports 20 people to 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Military2 hours ago1
Iran

The Intersection of Right and Power

The Intersection of Right and Power

#️⃣ Part One | from Oil Nationalization to the Victory of Popular Unity

Iran’s oil nationalization struggle in the 1950s was not merely an economic conflict with Britain. It was one of the most prominent anti-colonial uprisings in the Global South, sending a clear message that the resources of peoples do not belong to empires.

By late 1950, Iranian public awareness had intensified against exploitative oil agreements, while forces within the royal court and foreign interests sought to push through a new agreement preserving British influence.

Mohammad Mosaddegh and Hossein Fatemi emerged at the forefront of the opposition, although they differed over the scope of political demands; Fatemi was considerably more radical in his opposition to the monarchy and British influence.

On March 16, 1951, Prime Minister General Ali Razmara was assassinated by a member of Fada’iyan-e Islam after becoming one of the most prominent opponents of oil nationalization.

Only days later:

March 24, 1951: Parliament approved the Oil Nationalization Law.

March 29, 1951: Nationalization was formally approved, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was dissolved, and the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) was born.

But London refused to accept defeat.

Britain imposed a suffocating economic and naval blockade on Iran, backed by the Royal Navy in the Persian Gulf, pressure on oil tankers, and international insurance companies, with the aim of bringing Iranian oil exports to a standstill.

Mosaddegh turned to international law, taking the dispute to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, where Iran secured a major legal victory in July 1952.

But the paradox was clear:

A legal victory alone was not enough to impose Iran’s will on the ground.

Then came the July 1952 crisis.

Following Mosaddegh’s resignation and the Shah’s appointment of Ahmad Qavam, nationalist and religious forces—led by supporters of Ayatollah Kashani—mobilized the public and brought the people into the streets.

On July 30, 1952, the army and royal court were forced to retreat. Qavam fell, and Mosaddegh returned to power victorious.

The first lesson:

When national sovereignty + political and religious unity + popular mobilization + the capacity for resistance on the ground come together, it becomes far more difficult for colonial powers to impose their will from outside.

But that same unity would later begin to fracture…

To be continued in Part Two